|
One of the most closely tracked investment indicators
in the equity market today is the consensus earnings
forecast. This forecast is derived by polling each
analyst on his or her forward earnings expectation for
every stock. The analysts’ responses are averaged to
produce a consensus estimate. This number is then
compared with the quarterly earnings results released
by the company. In that this consensus of analyst’s
estimates is now what’s expected by investors, any
deviation from the consensus estimate may have
dramatic implications for the price activity of the stock.
Arguably then, it becomes critically important for
investors to be aware of the consensus earnings
estimates for companies in specific and the market in
general.
However, when a group of people is asked to
reach a consensus conclusion that is dependent upon
a series of unknown criteria, the resulting forecast is
likely to be more representative of group-think than of
the actual outcome. Understanding the potential
biases inherent in such forecasts is as important as
understanding the information itself.
To illustrate the pitfalls underlying any consensus
forecast, I share with you a contest designed by
Richard Thaler, a leader in the study of behavioral
psychology in investing. His “pick-a-number-game”
appeared in the Financial Times, May 10, 1997.1
Readers were asked to choose a whole number
between zero and 100. The winning entry would be
the closest to two-thirds of the average entry number.
For example, if five people entered the contest and
selected the numbers 10, 20, 30, 40, and 50 the
winning number would be 20. In other words, the
average of the five numbers is 30 and two-thirds of
that number is 20. Thus, the contestant who
submitted the number 20 would be the winner. The
point of the game is to win; yet, in order to do so, one
needs to make assumptions as to how the other
entrants are going to play. This is arguably the same
type of reasoning used by analysts as they strive to
produce the most accurate earnings forecast. The
game functions as a simple demonstration of how
insufficient information gives rise to inaccurate
conclusions.
Suppose, for example, you determine, through in depth
analytical research of past random surveys, that
the most likely number chosen should be 45. (This is
somewhat akin to examining past corporate income
statements.) Therefore, your entry would be 30, which
is two-thirds of 45. However, upon further
consideration, you would realize that others have
access to the same information and they, too, might
reach the same conclusion and submit the same
entry. In that case you would change your entry to 20
to reflect the newly constructed model: that is, two thirds
of 30 is 20. Unfortunately, the logical outcome
of this exercise would lead you to submit the number
1, as it is the only possible outcome if all entrants
utilize the same unemotional logic. (One could argue
that zero is the ultimate entry, but it does not lie
between zero and 100.)
Interestingly enough, the winning entry in Thaler’s
contest was not 1, it was 13.
This game illustrates how most people, when
making choices with less-than-perfect information, are
prone to making errors. If everyone had chosen the
number 1, which was the logical choice, then their
choices would have demonstrated that people are not
prone to making mistakes. Why? Because they
thoughtfully reached a reasoned conclusion.
However, thousands of entrants did not answer 1, and
therefore success in this game rested more in the
ability to understand the magnitude of the errors made
by other players than in logically selecting the winning
number.
We can draw some similarities between this pick-a-number exercise and the consensus earnings
forecasting process. Analysts not only try to determine the winning number, but also the number that others
might select. Ironically, despite such behavioral
shortcomings, investors seemingly accept the
consensus earnings forecast as a valid number.
In fact, such behavior was documented earlier in
market history. In 1936, John Maynard Keynes
published The General Theory of Employment,
Interest and Money, supplying his own analogy of how
understanding the thought processes of investors and
analysts are involved in the creation of a successful
investment strategy.
“Professional investment may be likened to those
newspaper competitions in which competitors have to
pick out the six prettiest faces from a hundred
photographs, the prize being awarded to the
competitor whose choice most nearly corresponds to
the average preferences of the competitors as a
whole; so that each competitor has to pick, not those
faces which he finds the prettiest, but those which he
thinks likeliest to catch the fancy of the other
competitors, all of whom are looking at the problem
from the same point of view,” Keynes writes. “It is not
a case of choosing those, which to the best of
anyone’s judgment are really the prettiest.”2
It is naïve to suggest the consensus earnings
forecast shouldn’t matter because in the short run it
most certainly does. Instead, I suggest that
understanding the thought process used to reach the
number is far more important. As with the pick-a-number
game and the beauty contest, the successful
utilization of the consensus earnings forecast is more
dependent upon understanding what people think
than correctly determining the error-free answer.
1 As cited by Hirsch Shefrin, Beyond Greed and Fear,
Harvard Business School Press, Boston, MA, ©2000,
pages 6 and 270.
2 Excerpt cited by Laszlo Birinyi, Jr., Money Flow, Mr.
Market Speaks, Birinyi and Associates, Inc., ©2000, page
4.
This material has been prepared using sources of information generally believed to be reliable. No representation can be made as to its
accuracy. The forecasts and opinions in this piece are not necessarily those of Van Kampen, and may not actually come to pass. Information
in this report does not pertain to any Van Kampen product and is not a solicitation for any product.
|